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Situating China’s Social Credit System in history and context

If you have been following the developments in the digital humanities, it is very likely that you’ve come across the news that China is implementing a Social Credit System, officially known as Social Credit Score (SCS). Although the SCS is portrayed as a single integrated system that quantifies all behaviour into credit scores, it is in fact an ecology of fragmented initiatives with many different stakeholders. Broadly speaking, it consists of scoring systems developed by private sectors and by governmental bodies. As far as the governmental perspective is concerned, the SCS is an attempt to promote “trustworthiness” and transparency in the economy which is expected to combat perceived lack of trust in the marketplace, and more generally to harmonize social conduct.

Citizens “trustworthiness” is rated based an individual’s social behaviour such as their crime records, what they say on social media, what they buy, the scores of their friends, and so on. This has possible positive or negative implications on individual’s job, visa, loan applications. As a commitment towards radical transparency is a central driving force behind the SCS, information on subjects’ trustworthiness is made publicly available, and in some circumstances even being actively broadcast. Individual citizens and businesses alike are publicly ranked where the records are publicly open.

SCS civilized families

Roncheng’s “civilized families” are displayed on public noticeboards like these. (Simina Mistreanu)

The SCS is to become mandatory by 2020 and is currently being implemented in some form or another across parts of China. Areas that are socioeconomically deprived seem prior targets. Rongcheng in the eastern province of Shandong, where the SCS has been rolled out for some time now, is, according to government officials, one of the best examples of the system working as intended, according to government officials.

From a general systems science perspective, the SCS is a self-organizing system that operates through incentive and punishment mechanisms. People with low ratings will, for example, have slower internet speeds, restricted access to restaurants, and the right to travel invoked.

“Higher scores have already become a status symbol, with almost 100,000 people bragging about their scores on Weibo (the Chinese equivalent of Twitter) within months of launch. A citizen’s score can even affect their odds of getting a date, or a marriage partner, because the higher their Sesame rating, the more prominent their dating profile is on Baihe.” (Creemers, 2018)

The SCS has been described as an insidious digital panopticon and a dystopian nightmare where individuals’ every move are monitored and ranked through data generated from all sorts of activity and interactions, online or otherwise through digital technologies (facial recognition tools and biometric information). Many draw parallels between the SCS and the dystopian science fiction Black Mirror episode “Nosedive” where people rate each other based on their interactions.

Black Mirror rating

Many ethical and human rights issues as well as the complete eradication of the idea of privacy have been raised and the negative consequences of such a dystopian nightmare system is indisputable.

With the realization that ‘digital reputations’ could limit opportunities comes the tendency to self-censor and the tendency to be risk-averse. We are unlikely to hit “like” on a Facebook post that protests some government policy knowing that it could impact our ‘digital reputations’. Consequently, people gradually change their behaviour to align with what the system requires, to get better scores. In the process those behaviours and norms defined as “acceptable” by the government are reinforced.

Nonetheless, among the misconceptions surrounding the SCS, there seems to be some consensus that using individual’s digital traces to directly or indirectly influence individual’s behaviour is something that only happens in non-Western totalitarian states. In fact, credit scoring practices are not unfamiliar in Western societies. Facebook, for instance, seems it is developing its own system of rating users trustworthiness.

It is also worth mentioning Facebook’s emotion tracking patent (where the aim is to monitor individuals’ typing speed in order to predict emotions and adapt messages in response), which was granted in May 2017 and the currently filed Socioeconomic classifier (which might enable Facebook to rank its users according to different social classes), among its series of patents. These developments in combination with others, such as Facebook’s ability to flag individuals through its facial recognition technology without the consent of the user, in some sense constitute a surveillance society. Facebook’s ability to rank and categorize people into a variety of socioeconomic categories has possible impacts on individuals’ opportunities depending on their class, gender, race and sexual orientation. Whether its the type of job ads one is excluded from viewing (due to their gender, class or age) or the exclusion from certain housing ads, Facebook’s ranking and categorizing systems often impact the under-privileged and those who fail to conform to the status quo.

Health insurance

Marshall Allen, July 2018, ProPublica

Along social media platforms, health insurers, and schools, can also be mentioned as examples that share features of the SCS. Like the SCS, these Western industries and institutes, track and surveil people through digital technologies including face recognition tools and biometric information.

We are rated, ranked and categorized using data extracted from us. Similar to the SCS, such ranking and rating often has possible “real” life consequences whether in the form of how much we pay for our insurance, what ads are pushed on us, or how we behave in school yards. The difference between the Chinese SCS and Western tech industry is, while the former is clear and upfront about it, the latter is much more invisible. In fact, such tech giants go out of their way to hide what they are doing.

Rating systems, those by the SCS or deployed through Western tech industry, create unwanted incentives and increase pressure on individuals to conform to the status quo. This creates and contributes to a society that is risk averse.

“When doctors in New York were given scores this had unexpected results. Doctors that tried to help advanced cancer patients had a higher mortality rate, which translated into a lower score. Doctors that didn’t try to help were rewarded with high scores, even though their patients died prematurely.” Tijmen Schep

Situating the SCS in history and context

The history and context which are crucial to the development of the current SCS are often missing from how the SCS is framed, at least within in Western media .

“[social systems] must be viewed whole cloth as open dynamical systems embedded in a physical, historical, and social fabric” (Juarrero, 1999, p. 201)

As far as China’s political tradition goes, morality and authority are inextricably linked. Enforcing moral standards, monitoring and disciplining the conduct of local officials and individual citizens is seen as the role of the state. “Governing the country by virtue” equals to “governing the country by the law”. Unlike the Western legal system where rights, responsibilities and entitlement of private actors and public sectors are relatively easily categorized, such categories are much more blurred within the Chinese legal system. Individual citizens, government officials, communities and business are all expected to contribute to the whole social and economic harmony and development.

“Chinese political tradition has, for centuries, conceived of society as an organic whole, where harmony can be achieved if all its members conduct themselves as appropriate to their position in public and civil structures. … Critical in this process were ideas about systems theory, derived from natural science and applied in the social context. Influenced by Western scholarship on cybernetics and systems theory, scholars such as Qian Xuesen and Song Jian worked closely with government to develop a conceptual framework for the adoption of systems engineering techniques in governance. Particular regard was given to the role of information flows, not just towards and within government, but also as part of cybernetic feedback loops to create self-correcting responses in society.” (Creemers, 2018, p. 7)

Historically the Chinese government has experimented with some forms of social control and controlling social order through self-policing and social controlling mechanisms go all the way back to the Song Dynasty.

“An 11th-century emperor instituted a grid system where groups of five to 25 households kept tabs on each other and were empowered to arrest delinquents” Mistreanu, 2018. The current SCS then is an extension of such historical traditions. The difference now is the addition of digital technologies.

From the Chinese authorities perspective the SCS epitomizes a self-correcting feedback loop where “trustworthiness” and social morality are fostered through incentives and punishments.

This by no means is to argue that the SCS is any less of a digital panopticon. However, by highlighting history and context, often missing from the SCS narrative, we can paint a somewhat complex and nuanced image of the system (as opposed to the often alarming pieces which are stripped of context and history). Furthermore, while we are preoccupied by the stories of how China is becoming one giant surveillance prison, we miss the indirect and evasive practices that are happening within our own “civilized” Western system.

 

Bibliography

Creemers, R. (2018). China’s Social Credit System: An Evolving Practice of Control.
Juarrero, A. (1999). Dynamics in action: Intentional behavior as a complex system (p. 127143). Cambridge, MA: MIT press.

 

 

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ክርስትና እና እንስታዊነት ሆድና ጀርባ በሲራክ ተመስገን

የእንስታዊነት (Feminism) እንቅስቃሴ በመሰረታዊነት ሴቷን ከወንዱ እኩል በኢኮኖሚ፣ በማህበራዊ እና በፖለቲካው መስክ ተሳታፊ እንድትሆን ማስቻል ነው። ሴቷ በፆታዋ ብቻ የሚደርስባትን መገፋት ለማስቀረት መንቀሳቀስ ነው። የእዚህ መገፋት እና አባታዊ ስርዓት በአለም ላይ መዘርጋት ክርስትና ትልቅ አስተዋፅኦ አለው ብዬ አምናለሁ። ለእዚህም ነው ብዕሬን ያነሳሁት። እንግሊዛዊው የባይዎሎጅ ሊቅ ሪቻርድ ዳውኪንስ ብዙ በተነገረለት ‘The God Delusion’ በተባለው ድንቅ መጽሀፉ ላይ የብሉይ ኪዳኑን አምላክ እንዲህ ሲል በምሬት ይገልፀዋል፡

“The God of the Old Testament is arguably the most unpleasant character in all fiction: jealous and proud of it; a petty, unjust, unforgiving control-freak; a vindictive, bloodthirsty ethnic cleanser; a misogynistic, homophobic, racist, infanticidal, genocidal, filicidal, pestilential, megalomaniacal, sadomasochistic, capriciously malevolent bully”

ፕሮፌሰር ዳውኪንስ ይሄን ሲል ግን እንዲሁ በባዶው አይደለም፤ ለእያንዳንዱ ስያሜው ከብሉይ ኪዳን መጻህፍት ጥቅስ እያጣቀሰ እንጅ፡፡ እኔም ‹‹ይሄንን ኢ–ሰብዓዊ የሆነን አካል በአምላክነት የተቀበለ ሰው ስለ መብት ሊያወራ አይገባም ›› የምለውም በመጽሃፉ የተጠቀሰው ባህርይ እጅግ ከሰብዓዊነት የራቀ በመሆኑ ነው፡፡። በዚህ ርዕስ የማነሳው የሴቶች መብት እና የእንስታዊነት (Feminism) ጉዳይም የመጽሐፉ ዋነኛ ተጠቂ ናቸው፡፡ በመጽሐፍ ቅዱስ ሴቶች ከብሉይ ኪዳን እስከ አዲስ ኪዳን ድረስ ሴቶች ተጨቋኝ ሆነው የቀረቡበት ጥራዝ ነው። አብነት እየጠቃቀስኩ ላስረዳ፡፡

የብሉይ ሴቶች

በብሉይ በእግዚአብሔር ተወዳጅ ከሆኑ ነገስታት አንዱ ንጉስ ዳዊት ነው። ይህ ሰዉ ወሲብ በጣም ይወድ ነበረ። ብዙም ዕቁባቶች ነበሩት። ሴቶችንም እንደግል ንብረቱ ቆጥሮ በአንድ ቤት ዘግቶ፣ ከማንም ሳይገናኙ እንዲሞቱ የማድረግ ስልጣን ነበረው ዳዊት (2ኛ ሳሙኤል 20:3)፡፡ በአመት ሶስት ጊዜ በሚደረገው የቂጣ በዓል፣ የመኸር በዓል እና የመክተቻ በአል ወቅት በእግዝአብሔር ፊት ለዕይታ የሚቀርቡት ወንዶች ብቻም ነበሩ (ዘጸአት፣ 23:14–17)፡፡ በሙሴዎ ዓለም የተፈጥሮ ኡደቶች (ወሊድም ሆነ የወር አበባ) ለሴት ልጅ የመርከስ ምልክት ነው። እንደዚህም ሆኖ ወንድ ከወለደች 7 ቀን የረከሰች ነች። በአስገራሚ ሁኔታ ሴት ከወለደች ዕጥፍ ቀን የረከሰች ነች መባሏ ነው (ዘሌዋውያን 12: 1–5)፡፡እግዜሩ ለሰው ልጆች ዋጋ ማውጣቱ ሲገርም ሴቶች ከወንዶች ያነሰ ዋጋ ያለቸው መሆኑ ይበልጥ ያስቃል። በብሉዩ ዓለም ከአምስት አመት ሴት ልጅ ይልቅ የአንድ ወር ወንድ ህፃን በዋጋ ይበልጣል (ዘሌዋውያን 27: 1–7)፡፡ ይባስ ብሎም ሙሴ በአምላኩ ሕዝቡን እንዲቆጥር ሲታዘዝ ሴቶች እንደሰው አይቆጠሩም ነበረ (ዘኁልቆ 3:15)፡፡ በዚህ አያበቃም እግዚአብሔር ለሙሴ በሰጠው ህግ መሰረት አንድ ሰው ቢሞት ወንዶች ልጆቹ ብቻ የንብረት ወራሾች ይሆናሉ። ሴቶች ልጆች ወራሾች የሚሆኑት ሟች ወንድ ልጆች ከሌሉት ብቻ ነው (ዘኁልቆ 27:8–11)፡፡ ድንግልና ሳይኖራት ያገባች ሴት በድንጋይ ተወግራ እንድትሞት ‹የእግዚአብሔር ህግ› ያዛል (ዘዳግም22:13–21)። በተቃራኒው ወንድ ድንግልና ከሌለው ይቀጣ የሚል ህግ ግን የለም። በአጠቃላይ የብሉይ ኪዳን ዘመን ተብሎ በሚታወቀው ጊዜ ሴት እቃ ( ) ነች እንጅ ሰው አልነበረችም፡፡ አዲስ ኪዳኑስ ምን ይላል;

ሴቶች በአዲስ ኪዳን

ከብሉይ ኪዳኑ የጭካኔ ዘመን አንፃር እየሱስ ክርስቶስ አብዮተኛ ነበረ ማለት ይቻላል። በአይሁዳውያን ዘንድ ሴቶችን ዝቅዝቅ የማድረግ ባህልን ሲጠቀም አይታይም። ሴቶችንም ያስተምርም ነበረ። በተዘዋወረባቸው ቦታዎችም ሁሉ በቋሚነት አብረውት ይከተለት ነበረ። እንደ ወንዶቹ ይፈውሳቸውም ምሳሌ ያደርጋቸዋልም። ይልቁኑ የክርትና መሰረት ነው ተብሎ ከሚነገርለት ከቅዱስ ጳውሎስ አስተምህሮ ነው አዲስ ኪዳኑ በሴቶች ላይ ሲጨክን የሚታየው፡፡ ጳውሎስ በ1ኛ ቆሮንቶስ 11:3 ላይ «ነገር ግን የወንድ ሁሉ ራስ ክርስቶስ፣ የሴትም ራስ ወንድ፣ የክርስቶስም ራስ እግዚአብሔር እንደሆነ ልታውቁ እወዳለሁ» ብሎ ሴትን በደረጃ ከወንዱ አውርዶ ያስቀምጣታል፡፡ አልፎም ለሴት ልጅ የፀጉር አቆራረጥ ህግ ያፀድቃል። ሴትም ለወንድ ሲባል የተፈጠረች እንደሆነ በግልፅ እና በጉልህ ይናገራል። ሚስቶች የባሎቻቸው ባሪያ እንደሆኑ እና ያለምንም ማመንታት ለባሎቻቸው እንዲገዙ ደንግጓል (ኤፌሶን 5:22–23)፡፡ ሴቶች ህዝብ በተሰበሰበበት ቦታ መናገር አይፈቀድላቸውም። ማወቅ የፈለጉት ነገር እንኳን ቢኖር በቤታቸው ባሎቻቸውን እንዲጠይቁ ነው እግዜሩ የሚያዘውይመክራል ጳውሎስ (1ኛ ቆሮንቶስ 14:34–36)፡፡ ሴቶች እንዲያስተምሩ አይፈቀድላቸውም። በወንድ ላይም መሰልጠን አይችሉም (1ኛ ጢሞቴዎስ 2:11–15)፤ በማለትም ‹ወንድ ወደ ችሎት፤ ሴት ወደ ማጀትን›› ጳውሎስ ይሰብከናል፡፡ ሲያጠቃልልም ሴቶች ደካሞች መሆናቸው በ1ኛ ጴጥሮስ 3:7 ላይ ይነግረናል ቅዱስ ጳውሎስ፡፡ እዚህ ላይ ነው ጥያቄው፡፡ ይሄን የመሰለ ሴቶችን እንደሰው እንኳን ለመቁጥር የሚግደረደር የጭቆና መሳሪያ ተይዞ ስለ ሴቶች መብት ማውራት እንዴት ይቻላል? መብትስ ምንድን ነው? ራስን መቃረን ደሞ በሽታ ነው። ይህን የሃይማኖት የጭቆና ህግጋት እና ትዕዛዝ አውልቀው ሳይጥሉ ‹እንስታዊት ነኝ› ማለት ለእኔ ለእንቅስቃሴው ስድብ ነው። እነደጳውሎስ ምክር ስጥ ብባልም እንደዚህ የመጽሃፉ አማኒያን ራሳቸው ‹የሴት መብት ተከራካሪ› ብለው የሚጠሩ ሰዎች ከእንስታዊነት እንቅስቃሴ ላይ እጃቸውን ቢያነሱ ሸጋ ነው ብይ ነኝ፡፡ “You can’t have your cake and eat it” እንዲሉ፤ ወይ ሽልጦውን ወይ ሆዳችንን ነው ጥያቄው፡፡ ለነገሩ እንደ ኤልዛቤት ስታንተን ያሉ ሴቶች ‘The Woman’s Bible’ ብለው ማሻሻያ ለማድረግ መነሳታቸው፤ የዚሁ የመጽሃፉ ጨቋኝነት ቢያማራቸው አይደለምን?

 

Men #mansplain feminism to me

1ahehy

I recently got into some Twitter exchanges regarding Ethiopian feminism. Seeing a bunch of men telling women that they can’t be both religious and feminists despite those women arguing otherwise, started it. Let me clarify things in a bit more detail here. Not only are you mistaken, as there are plenty of remarkable Muslim feminists, the arrogance in your tone is unbearable.  The real irony was though you failing to see the privileged standpoint which you are speaking from. A privilege that grants you to think that your opinion on feminism should be more trustworthy than the experience and say of women who live sexism and misogyny every day. I am not at all religious but one doesn’t need to be religious to see how wrong-headed it is for men to alienate and exclude women from feminism based on faith. Especially, when those women are declaring themselves feminists and providing justifications (note that they needed to) why it works for them. Do you think they need your approval to qualify as a feminist because you have problems with letting go of authority? Why should women feel they need to fit your definition of feminism to call themselves one? Do you think they need men like you to think for them and tell them what feminism is or should be? Telling a woman that she can’t be both religious and feminist is like the oppressor telling the oppressed what oppression means. If you think women need your approval and validation as they explore what feminism means to them, it is a sign that you have failed to grasp the kind of patriarchal society we live in and you are likely to be part of the problem.

I am not advocating for any strand of feminism here. Neither am I trying to define what feminism is nor who should be categorised as a woman and why. My issue is you belittling and demeaning women for saying what kind of feminism works for them and what feminism means to them. It doesn’t matter what level of education you have, or how enlightened your knowledge of feminism might be (although I highly doubt most men who think they should be in charge defining feminism know much about it at all), telling a feminist what feminism is or should be, defeats the very essence of what feminism stands for – namely women thinking and deciding for themselves. You wanting to be the central voice here not only gives you complete authority, which feminism is trying to shift, it also disregards and invalidates women’s experiences.

Do you find the idea that women can think and decide for themselves and that your input comes second indigestible? That might be because it has been the accepted norm (thanks to patriarchy) for your voice to be the dominant and authoritative one. You wanting to take the upper hand and explain what feminism is to women is an indictment of your unquestioned and taken for granted privilege as a man. It takes one to critically reflect on societal structures and one’s place in such structures to be aware of one’s own privilege.

If you think feminists central focus should be the protection of your freedom of speech, then you’ve got it all wrong. And if you can’t see why your rights aren’t the centre of attention in the feminist’s agenda, then you really are blinded by your male privilege in which case you urgently need to scrutinise those privileges.

If you truly want to contribute to the whole movement, learn to critically analyse your place as a man in society and carefully listen to what women have to say. Your knowledge is no good if it is dismissive of women who live to experience sexism every day. There can only be a common ground for discussion of your contribution to feminism when you first believe and accept that women are capable of leading their own movement and are the primary role-players as far as feminism goes.

Finally, this is aimed at those men who think that their knowledge of feminism is far superior to women’s lived experiences and say on feminism. If you are not one of them, then this post doesn’t concern you and you are most likely to agree with me here. If you are, I hope you find this post somewhat helpful in terms of clarifying issues – absent in the restricted Twitter exchanges.